Diversity in the Southern Ranks

In his Fourth Debate with Stephen Douglas, Abraham Lincoln stated: "I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races, [applause]—that I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race." (Delivered at Charleston, Illinois on September 18, 1858.)

Such language from the Great Emancipator might shock Twenty-first Century idealists who judge history by contemporary standards rather than the norms and mores of the day but such views were prevalent throughout the United State during the Nineteenth Century.  However, there is a tendency for those who accept the Northern perspective of the War Between the States, which has been foist upon the public with impunity since 1865, to regard the North as a benign patron of the downtrodden and the South, a malignant enemy of human rights.  They conveniently forget the draft riots that occurred July 13-16, 1863 in New York City.

During that time, working class citizens were angry over the draft, many believed it unconstitutional and were outraged that wealthy white men could pay substitutes and that black men were excluded. Some became reluctant to fight since the recent Emancipation Proclamation made it appear as though the war was being prosecuted to free slaves rather than to preserve the Union. What began as a protest turned into a race riot fueled by fears that freedmen would come to New York demanding social equality and competing for work. Tensions were already high as some two hundred blacks had been attacked in March of that year by longshoremen who refused to work with them. By the time the riot was quelled, eleven black men had been lynched, one hundred and nineteen were reported killed, black homes and businesses had been destroyed, the Colored Orphan Asylum had been burned, and many blacks were compelled to leave the City.

Despite the fact that Northerners were killing blacks in the streets and what is now regarded as "racism" permeated every region of the country, posterity has not favored the South and her symbols are now vilified. Today, many would be surprised that the South displayed remarkable diversity in the ranks and in its leadership that was reflective of her population. Many blacks, free and slave, served the Confederacy as laborers, cooks, teamsters, and body servants and this is reflected by Confederate pension rolls.  It is unknown as to how many actually served in combat but, according to Union sources from during and after the War, it is certain that some did.

According to Horace Greeley, editor of The New York Tribune, "A Washington dispatch to The Evening Post (New York), about this time [1861], set forth that — 'A gentleman from Charleston says that everything there betokens active preparations for fight. The thousand negroes busy in building batteries, so far from inclining to insurrection, were grinning from ear to ear at the prospect of shooting the Yankees. ... The Legislature of Tennessee, that negotiated that State out of the Union, by secret treaty with the Confederate Executive, passed" an act authorizing the Governor (Isham G. Harris) — 'to receive into the military service of the State all male free persons of color, between the ages of 15 and 50.' These Black soldiers were to receive $8 per month, with clothing and rations. ... The Lynchburg Republican (Va.) had, so early as April, chronicled the volunteered enrollment of 70 of the free negroes of that place, to fight in defense of their State; closing with — 'Three cheers for the patriotic free negroes of Lynchburg!'... The next recorded organization of negroes, especially as Rebel soldiers, was at Mobile, toward Autumn; and, two or three months later, the following telegram was flashed over the length and breadth of the rejoicing Confederacy: 'New Orleans, Nov. 23, 1861. Over 28,000 troops were reviewed to day by Gov. Moore, Maj. Gen. Lovell, and Brig.-Gen. Ruggles. The line was over seven miles long. One regiment comprised 1,400 free colored men.' ...All these, and many kindred movements in the same direction, preceded Mr. Lincoln's first or premonitory Proclamation of Freedom, and long preceded any organization of negro troops to fight for the Union. The credit of having first conquered their prejudices against the employment of Blacks, even as soldiers, is fairly due to the Rebels." (The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-'65, Vol II, Hartford: O.D. Case and Company, 1862, pp. 521-522)

Dr. Lewis Steiner, Chief Inspector of the U.S. Sanitary Commission, casts light upon blacks in the Confederate ranks in his report that followed the occupation of Frederick Maryland: "Wednesday, September 10--At four o'clock this morning the rebel army began to move from our town, Jackson's force taking the advance. The movement continued until eight o'clock P.M., occupying sixteen hours. The most liberal calculations could not give them more than 64,000 men. Over 3,000 negroes must be included in this number. These were clad in all kinds of uniforms, not only in cast-off or captured United States uniforms, but in coats with Southern buttons, State buttons, etc. These were shabby, but not shabbier or seedier than those worn by white men in rebel ranks. Most of the negroes had arms, rifles, muskets, sabres, bowie-knives, dirks, etc. They were supplied, in many instances, with knapsacks, haversacks, canteens, etc., and were manifestly an integral portion of the Southern Confederacy Army. They were seen riding on horses and mules, driving wagons, riding on caissons, in ambulances, with the staff of Generals, and promiscuously mixed up with all the rebel horde." (Report of Lewis H. Steiner, New York: Anson D. F. Randolph, 1862, pp. 10-11)

The January 10, 1863 edition of Harper's Weekly contains the following article and an illustration depicting black Confederate pickets:

REBEL NEGRO PICKETS,

Illustration of black
Confederate pickets
from the January 10, 1863
 edition of Harper's Weekly.

So much has been said about the wickedness of using the negroes on our side in the present war, that we have thought it. worth while to reproduce on this page a sketch sent us from Fredericksburg by our artist, Mr. Theodore R. Davis, which is a faithful representation of what was seen by one of our officers through his field-glass, while on outpost duty at that place. As the picture shows, it represents two full-blooded. negroes, fully armed, and serving as pickets in the rebel army. It has long been known to military men that the insurgents affect no scruples about the employment of their slaves in any capacity in which they may be found useful. Yet there are people here at the North who affect to be horrified at the enrollment of negroes into regiments. Let us hope that the President will not be deterred by any squeamish scruples of the kind from garrisoning the Southern forts with fighting men of any color that can be obtained.

While the actual number of black combatants will always remain speculative, the fact that blacks were within the Confederate ranks and unsegregated, as was the case with the Union, is without question. Additionally, around 13,000 Hispanics, 15,000 Native Americans, and even a handful of Asians served in the Confederate Army; many were enlisted, some were officers, and some were quite distinguished.  Additionally, while the Confederate Army was largely Protestant, Roman Catholics, Episcopalians, and approximately 10,000 Jews fought for the South and some occupied conspicuous positions of military and governmental leadership. The Southern Confederacy was not as W.A.S.P. as the ignorant, historical revisionists, and demagogues make it out to be.

A Diverse Group of Confederates

Pictured from left to right are Lt. Col. John Jumper, Principle Chief of the Seminole Nation, 1st Regiment, Seminole Mounted Volunteers, C.S.A. Lt. Col. Jackson McCurtain, 1st Choctaw Battalion, C.S.A. McCurtain later became Principle Chief of the Choctaws.  Brig. Gen. Stand Watie, Principle Chief of the Cherokee Nation, First Indian Brigade of the Army of the Trans-Mississippi, C.S.A. Watie was the last Confederate General to surrender. Col. Santos Benavides, 33rd Texas Cavalry, C.S.A. Col Ambrosio Jose Gonzalez, Chief of Artillery in the Department of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida. Judah P. Benjamin, Attorney General, Secretary of War, and Secretary of State of the Confederacy.  Prior to the War, Benjamin was the first Jew who professed the Faith to be elected to the United States Senate.